By Ben Andoni

The Democratic Party of 2023, which had split from Berisha, managed to participate in the local elections in only 14 municipalities. Without Basha as leader—virtually resigned—the group of Democratic Party members aiming for change waged an almost impossible battle against the machinery of power and the opposition at the time, which was without a formal logo and led by Berisha, who had launched a campaign filled with attacks against his colleagues.

The promise made by the Democratic Party members, then led by Alibeaj, that they would run in all municipalities and had the proper structural weight to face this unequal contest, failed as expected. What remains memorable from that campaign is the apparent apathy of “Bardhi & Co” and their seemingly ‘accidental’ appearance in the campaigns of the PD candidates—at that time without a symbol or official seal.

Lulzim Basha did not participate in the campaign and, although in some regions it was known that he would return after his resignation, he stayed away, awaiting a well-staged comeback. Meanwhile, Bardhi, Gjekmarkaj, and a few others openly sabotaged the official PD in the major regions, in favor of the Meta-Berisha coalition “Together We Win.” They broke the promise to help their party field candidates across the country and, cynically, joined and supported the efforts against their own party without batting an eye.

The election chronicle is now sealed: in the 2023 local elections, only 38.23% of registered voters cast their ballots. 53 out of 61 municipalities were won by Socialist Party mayors; the “Together We Win” coalition won 7 municipalities, and one—Finiq—was won by a candidate from the “MEGA” party, representing the Greek Ethnic Minority for the Future. But what stood out was that, despite the sabotage, smearing, and difficult campaign, the reduced PD under Alibeaj’s leadership still secured over 109,000 votes.

Today, those votes are claimed by Basha and his group of “Euro-Atlanticists,” who strongly believe they will have the proper access to them, despite Basha not having mobilized them during that election. Alibeaj now seeks them as well, although he currently leads the “Right-Wing 1912” party in coalition with Shehi, having led the official PD in 2023 and being considered at the time as Basha’s man. The current PD, under Berisha’s leadership, also lays claim to them, carrying the former prime minister and president’s biggest political ambitions. Other right-wing factions are also trying to capture these votes, and even Rama is testing the waters through his political maneuvers.

But whose votes will they be moving forward? Judging by the calm and brave decision-making of this voter base during difficult times—where logic and determination were essential—and considering their size, it’s likely they will struggle to find a political identity to vote for. Perhaps they could serve as a reservoir for small right-wing parties, but those, due to internal quarrels and ideological confusion, will have a hard time attracting them—just as the group itself can no longer be used for causes left behind.

So, where will they go? Most likely, Albania will once again see less than 50% of registered voters casting ballots, and these votes will be effectively erased. Because, unfortunately, change still seems distant—and is being sought by people who want Albania to remain as it is… under the dictate of PS-PD and their abuse of power.