By Preç Zogaj

Albania is living through a festival of mad interpretations tied to Trump’s arrival in the White House. The baseless analogies to his entanglements with American justice reflect the wishes of Tirana’s pluralist and politically aligned caste to take a sledgehammer to the new justice system. The unleashing of fantasy passes off as fact things that have yet to happen.

Nowhere else in Europe—at least judging by the major media outlets—do you see such wild readings and comical distortions of Trumpism in such exaggerated forms. Lucky for us, the world doesn’t know our language.

There’s no mystery about what Sali Berisha thinks of SPAK and the new justice system. He’s openly pledged to dismantle it. That pledge might seem bold if he weren’t himself under investigation. Whether he likes it or not, Berisha’s promise necessarily implicates Rama. To undo judicial reform requires a two-thirds majority in Parliament—something no party can achieve alone.

Rama’s stance has been ambiguous, often reminding one of Nietzsche’s line: “In ambiguity, I find more clarity than in clear speech.” He’s navigated between vagueness and strategy, dependent on the vigilance of American and European defenders of SPAK and the justice reform’s integrity.

With the changes in the White House, some analysts close to Rama have openly speculated that he might strike a deal with Berisha to halt the new justice system. To me, this seems a stretch. Yet, Rama might dream of slowing SPAK’s momentum or pushing legal adjustments to decriminalize abuse of office. If international circumstances allow, he could go further, cloaking any rollback in populist rhetoric about “strengthening” reform.

Rama will wait to gauge the new American administration’s explicit stance on justice reform. He’ll calculate accordingly, but this time also with an eye on the European Union. The EU has taken the lead in defending the reform, tying Albania’s progress toward membership directly to strengthening the rule of law and fighting high-level crime and corruption.

The EU isn’t likely to falter. Enlargement isn’t likely to stop—despite the apocalyptic predictions of Trump-style fortune-tellers. Considering the U.S. as a natural and strategic ally, while seeking close cooperation with the “Trump” administration, the EU appears ready to face the challenges of our era. As such, Rama and his government could hinder the new justice system only at the cost of stalling Albania’s EU integration—still a vivid aspiration for Albanians.

The well-known reasons behind America’s protagonism and co-authorship of Albania’s justice reform—clearly demonstrated during Trump’s first term (2016-2020)—remain in force. There’s no indication this support will wane; in fact, expectations and chances are that it will grow. Rama will align himself with this stance, and Berisha’s pledge to dismantle the reform, as an act of defiance against the prior administration, will fizzle out.

The day American support no longer needs to manifest itself will mark the true beginning of full independence for justice in our country.

That independence is already underway. The process has begun, and it’s on the path to consolidation. SPAK prosecutors and Special Court judges have the law, protection, and dignity that guarantee their independence. They carry the patriotic awareness of their mission and personal integrity. They’re not political derivatives. The progress of justice is their achievement, and any stalling would be their responsibility. In this sense, they are the primary guardians of their own independence. The public expects no less from them, no matter where the maneuverings and rhetoric of politicians lead.