By Xhelal Neziri
VMRO-DPMNE is at once the biggest winner and the biggest loser. A winner because it won 53 municipalities — 11 more than it had previously — and a loser because it received around 130,000 fewer votes compared to last year’s parliamentary elections. From 430,000 votes in 2024, Prime Minister Hristijan Mickoski’s party now came out with approximately 300,000.
SDSM, on the other hand, suffered a historic defeat, winning only 125,000 votes. But compared to the last elections, that’s a drop of just 20,000 votes. DUI, which last year ran as the “European Front,” received 137,000 votes, and now as AKI – 114,000, about 23,000 fewer. With a total of 91,000 votes, VLEN is down by 16,000 compared to last year’s 107,000.
These figures refer to the lists for municipal councils, where, unlike the mayoral races, people vote exclusively for parties.
What does this result mean?
For VMRO-DPMNE, the message is that strong rhetoric about defending the Macedonian identity is not enough without improving the standard of living. After the 2024 elections, the country faced record regional inflation that was not accompanied by a rise in wages. Prices of basic goods increased by nearly 30%, while wages grew by only 10%. The stagnation of EU integration continues to negatively affect both the economy and citizens’ living standards. This outcome calls for unblocking the process — meaning constitutional amendments and the inclusion of ethnic Bulgarians in the preamble.
For SDSM, the message is that it must undertake deep reforms if it does not want to end up in the history books. The oldest Macedonian party, once a promoter of Euro-Atlantic integration, has today turned into a political tool of business centers. These centers saved it from bankruptcy in 2014, when its headquarters were mortgaged to several banks, and now they are exploiting its last remaining influence for their own business interests.
The message to AKI (NAI) was clear: enough with political experiments. Coalitions are not just numerical groupings or simple political arithmetic, but alliances built to achieve common ideological goals — ideological, not clan-based or partisan. This is a reminder that no party or official has “secured” votes, and that trust must constantly be earned through the principle of strict meritocracy. For DUI, this is a serious alarm calling for reform — for the retirement of lifelong officials who have entrenched themselves across institutions. For both wings of the Alliance for Albanians, the results carry a single message: personalizing politics through ego-driven battles does not work.
For VLEN, the message is the need for urgent consolidation to improve performance in central government. Although Taravari left the coalition a few months ago, VLEN lost only 16,000 votes. Yet this result clearly shows the real weight of each partner within this political alliance. While before they relied on opinion polls that flattered them, now everyone knows their actual standing. This is a solid basis for transforming into a genuine political party, with consolidated structures and a clear hierarchy. For now, the organization is chaotic — not only unstable but also inefficient. In short, the people have given VLEN another chance to prove itself. With only one year in government, it is difficult to expect more satisfactory results.
As for the election of mayors, that is a separate issue requiring a new analysis. Citizens have many needs and demands, but municipalities have very limited competencies due to the lowest level of decentralization in Europe. Reforms in local governance — from strengthening decentralization to redrawing territorial boundaries — should be a priority if we want functional municipalities.