By Fitim Zekthi
There is a broad consensus in the social sciences that the collapse, failure, destruction, or even disappearance of a social or political entity is intrinsically linked to its internal crisis. Arnold Toynbee says this about civilizations; James Burnham and Daniel Bell say it about societies; Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson about states; and Humberto Maturana and Francisco Varela about living organisms and sentient beings. In short, no state, civilization, society, and certainly no political party fails because it loses a battle against its opponents or falls victim to misfortune or hostile external circumstances.
An entity—a civilization, state, society, or party—collapses when the very elements that make it up, those who lead and are responsible for safeguarding its essential functions and continued development, begin to act against its interests. Toynbee says these elements become narcissistic, driven solely by self-interest. They perform their roles for personal gain, not for the benefit of the organism they serve. They are consumed by vanity and moral and political corruption. These individuals—the leaders, the elites, the so-called vanguard—place themselves at the center, not the civilization, state, or party, and in doing so, they violate the natural order. As a result, degeneration sets in. Things rot steadily until the civilization, state, or organization disappears or collapses.
This is how civilizations have perished—from the Greek and Roman to the Islamic, from the Egyptian to the Byzantine. This is how states and empires have failed—from dozens of African and Balkan nations to the horrific failures of North Korea and Cuba. The same applies to political parties that have vanished, and societies in deep crisis—including many contemporary ones. Just days ago, Simon Heffer wrote about the deep political crisis in France that has annihilated both left- and right-wing parties, a fate that may soon befall similar parties in the UK.
Following its defeat in the May 11 elections, the Democratic Party (PD) is displaying exactly this type of existential crisis—this disease. Its elite, its leadership, the chairman and the parliamentary group, have completely abandoned their natural roles. They are engulfed in a mindset where only they matter. Their interests, narcissism, and cravings have become paramount. This marks a severe stage of moral and political corruption.
In truth, the Democratic Party has been in crisis since 2009—perhaps even since 2008. That was when the party became consumed by egoism, low-level personal interest, and the corrupt hunger for power of its leaders. These leaders made every deal imaginable, violated every political principle—especially those of the right—in their effort to hold onto power. After the devastating loss in 2013, rather than reform, the party only deepened its narcissism and elite-driven ethos. Even with the loss of Shkodra, it merely replaced the chairman in form, while maintaining the same leadership, rhetoric, and operating logic.
The crisis intensified dramatically in 2021, when internal warfare began. The latest election result was entirely predictable. These political behaviors inevitably lead to such outcomes. Now, we have reached the endgame—truly the final moment—where the elite must bite their tongues, swallow their selfish instincts, and emerge from their current madness. If they don’t, they too will perish—along with the Democratic Party and the opposition as a whole.
The only path forward is to begin, even modestly, adhering to the principles of the right. If PD claims to be a right-wing party, this is not a matter of words but of convictions and conduct.
Let us take one example (though the world offers thousands) of how a true conservative behaves. Let us see how a right-wing politician is not driven by desire, anger, narcissism, or moral corruption. The PD elite—its 200 to 300 people comprising MPs, the leadership, local party heads, and business allies—must, if they want PD to remain a force of opposition, look with sincerity at examples like these and take them to heart.
The example is that of Senator Bob Dole, who passed away in December two years ago. This example is especially fitting because Dole remained active in politics into the modern era—he was a contemporary figure. And notably, at the time of his passing, Sali Berisha was speaking at a rally in Bilisht in 2021. Berisha called Dole “a great politician of liberty, a great defender and friend of the Albanian nation” and asked for a moment of silence in his honor.
Bob Dole was indeed a great senator, a true friend of the Albanian people, and a conservative in the fullest sense of the word. He remains an inspiration for true conservatives everywhere.
In 1945, while still a student in Kansas, Dole was called to serve in World War II. He was sent to the 10th Mountain Division because of his athleticism. His battalion was made up of student-athletes, particularly skiers and climbers. Dole joined a company tasked with tracking and eliminating hidden Nazi units in the mountains. One day, the unit was sent to eliminate such a cell. Dole, though ordered to stay back, disobeyed and led from the front. He was gravely wounded. It took nine hours just to evacuate him. A journalist later wrote: “He left as an athlete and returned as a piece of furniture.” Dole was nearly paralyzed from the neck down. He couldn’t eat, walk, or even use the bathroom on his own. After months of intense treatment and immense personal will, he learned to walk again—first with a wheelchair, then slowly on his own. His friends raised $1,800 through a donation box placed at the veterans’ office to help with medical costs.
In 1975, while running for vice president alongside President Ford, Dole’s modesty was so profound that even his wife Elizabeth was unaware of much of his personal history—she learned it through the media. As a vice-presidential candidate, it was his duty to act as the “attack dog” against the opposition. Yet, Dole embodied a rare nobility and upheld conservative ethics in every respect. His only real attack—one for which he later apologized—was saying that “1.6 million soldiers died in Democrat-led wars.” His opponent, Walter Mondale, replied: “We didn’t know the war against the Nazis was a Democrat war, not all of ours.”
In the 1980 presidential primaries, Dole made history in two ways, as noted by Carl Cannon. First, he resigned from the Senate and relinquished his leadership role—becoming the first to do so in U.S. history. He said: “I will stand before you without office, without mandate, without power—I will stand simply as a citizen, as a Kansan, as a man.”
Second, when the political contest with George H. W. Bush turned toxic, Dole shouted: “Stop lying about me!” Dole never lied or slandered anyone. His reaction was the outcry of a principled conservative. He was known for never harboring grudges. After 1980, he worked across the aisle with Democrats like George McGovern, Ed Kennedy, and Tom Harkin to craft enduring legislation based not on passion or daily political interests, but on vision and principle.
Dole strongly supported Trump in 2016 and during his presidency. But six weeks after the 2020 election, when all legal avenues had been exhausted and the result was clear, Dole told the Kansas City Star: “This is a very bitter pill for Trump and for us, but we have to swallow it. He lost.”
So far, nothing about the behavior of PD’s elite resembles Bob Dole. There is no indication that PD leaders would risk themselves for the good of their team, as Dole did. There is no sign of the modesty to refrain from self-praise, no evidence that they avoid resentment or refrain from personal attacks. None seem willing to step away from their mandates and power to stand humbly before the people, as Dole did. On the contrary, PD’s elite is the antithesis of this spirit—anti-conservative in every way. Their behavior is, in fact, radically leftist in its egocentrism.
But something can still be done. It is always possible to reflect, to change course. At least once in a lifetime, a person or organization can choose to act—not for themselves—but for others, for their country.