By Ben Andoni
To enter our argument, we must first introduce the public to what the term simulacrum refers to. The term originates from the Latin word “simulare,” meaning “to resemble” or “to simulate.” In contemporary everyday terminology, a simulacrum refers to an image or representation of someone or something. The meaning extends beyond simple imitation, encompassing a broad spectrum of interpretations in fields such as philosophy, art, and media studies.
Starting with art and literature, simulacra (plural) can be seen as copies or imitations that challenge the authenticity and originality of the original work. Artists and writers use simulacra to delve into themes of identity, perceptions of reality, and personal emotions, often questioning the value of the original versus the copy.
In philosophy, things become more complex. The French philosopher Jean Baudrillard defines the concept of simulacrum as an entity that replaces reality with representation. He argues that in a world saturated with media products and various symbolic exchanges, the boundary between reality and representation becomes blurred. Simulacra thus transform into hyperreality—meaning that the concept is more real than the reality it represents—creating an environment where the distinction between truth and falsehood, reality and imagination, becomes indistinguishable. Today, social networks facilitate this omnipresent phenomenon, making them a primary source for politics.
This is precisely what Albanian politics presents to us today in all its spectacle, where the narrative directly revolves around EU integration—the main battlefield of Rama’s Socialists—and the so-called “dark times” of Albania, alongside concerns about the lack of free speech (?). These are the domains that will fuel Berisha’s aspirations for a third term as prime minister. Selling the imaginary as real—this is today’s Albania.
The last-minute candidate lists revealed a phenomenon well known to Albanians: the way they are used by politics. The lists, especially those of the Democratic Party (DP), included individuals who have painstakingly built the image of unwavering loyalty rather than being selected based on their personal qualities required by reality. The fabricated image of these lists presents the DP and the opposition as an illusion—a Democratic Party and an opposition that no longer exist in the form that Albanians expect or seek. This imaginary party is the essence of Berisha’s projection rather than what the party base envisions for returning to power. The situation is somewhat different in the Socialist Party (SP), where Rama’s cult has already shaped the party’s real projection—now dominated by neo-socialists who serve more to his constructed vision than to the party’s traditional ideology of supporting vulnerable social groups. The paradox is that Albania, along with Kosovo (both governed by left-wing parties for years), remains one of the poorest countries in the region.
Berisha and Rama—especially the latter—have been inflated by the media, particularly in the last 20 years, projecting imaginary realities far removed from the truth. Prime Minister Rama continues to fuel the imaginary, drawing attention through his marathon television appearances and personal podcast, while Berisha keeps the media tangled in his “scoops” and an unnatural attachment to his narratives. With his ever-present tablet—not just for statistics but to create a virtual reality where crime and corruption have engulfed the country—Berisha paints Albania as a swamp, while Rama portrays it as supersonic. Rama & Berisha are more showmen in a spectacle without actors—one they have created themselves—rather than the real statesmen the country needs.
In our discussion of simulacrum, we must acknowledge that this is not solely an Albanian experience. American presidents Reagan and Trump set precedents in this phenomenon, transitioning swiftly—Reagan from cinema and Trump from entertainment—into politics. Adding to this list, we have Governor Schwarzenegger, Ukraine’s current president Zelensky, and Italy’s Five Star Movement led by comedian Beppe Grillo. These cases illustrate a growing trend where celebrities from various fields perceive politics as a stage for their ambitions—not just in a literal sense. In Albania, the Socialist Party is consistently associated with figures from the media and entertainment industry, while the DP, on the other hand, incorporates figures who aim to transform virtuality into politics.
Simulacrum evolves through four stages, as outlined by Baudrillard: first, as a reflection of a fundamental reality; second, as a distortion or masking of that fundamental reality; third, as a mask for the absence of a fundamental reality; and finally, as a pure simulacrum—completely detached from any reality.
Today, politics and its show fill the Albanian people with a false sense of purpose, covering up the void caused by a lack of reason, ideas, and proper representation—yet, above all, the expectations of democracy. For a large portion of the electorate, who vote without much thought, politics has become an imaginary part of their identity. Worse than before the 1990s, politicians have shaped ordinary Albanians to identify with and live only through imaginary politics. Time and politics have to some extent fulfilled their missions: Albania is opening chapter after chapter for EU integration. Albania has joined NATO. Albania has achieved visa liberalization. Yet, at the same time, politics bears responsibility for the deep moral crisis, lack of motivation, and spiritual emptiness engulfing our society.
In this confusion, the populist appeal of Rama & Berisha and their derivatives relies on rhetorical illusions from leaders and figures who serve as public images rather than possessing standardized political competencies. Even the use of social media—now the primary communication tool—has turned politicians into simulacra, where every profile is merely a representation of a politician who does not actually exist. This is why today, it is difficult to distinguish between the entertainment or the bleak outlook offered by SP and DP politicians, as they have turned politics into what Baudrillard described as simulacrum—the very framework that shapes today’s contemporary political landscape.
(Homo Albanicus)