In a society that aspires to be democratic, like ours, every electoral moment and administration reveals its true state. It is not enough to rely on the words of politicians (in our case, Rama and Berisha), but rather on the functioning of the electoral process, the acceptance of results, and how parties handle both victory and defeat. These will ultimately determine what Albania will look like in May 2025.
By: Ben Andoni
At this very moment, societal polarization in Albania has reached extreme levels. The absence of public debate between the country’s main parties, the aggressive rhetoric of newly formed political groups (in the name of change), the impoverished state of political pluralism, and the overall lack of accountability for the country’s current situation are all deeply concerning.
Although the official campaign has yet to begin, it is already gaining momentum on the ground. The Democratic Party (PD) has mobilized all its resources to engage the diaspora, urging them to vote. The next step will be to direct those votes toward its electoral goals. Meanwhile, the Socialist Party (PS) is taking a more reserved approach toward the diaspora, having already started its outreach, but is now focused on restructuring itself and, above all, neutralizing every possible alternative posed by its opponents. The absence of a mea culpa attitude has become a rule among political forces—except when Rama strategically uses it in his rhetoric to underscore the PS’s advantage.
This toxic discourse, which originates from the upper echelons of politics, is amplified in parliament (arguably the weakest legislature since the 1990s), where political factions merely echo the resentment of their leaders.
At the same time, the societal polarization fueled by this division has resulted in a lack of genuine political debate, leaving discussions skewed and unbalanced, often with asymmetrical representation. Key political rivals are never seen confronting each other directly. The media only exacerbates this divide, making biases and vested interests glaringly obvious. Under these conditions, it is almost wishful thinking to expect social harmony, integrity, or meaningful reforms that serve the national interest.
This division is reminiscent of the socialist era: the “Us” (the ruling majority that blindly followed the directives of the Party of Labor) and the “Them” (the enemies crushed by the Dictatorship of the Proletariat). The bitter irony, however, is that today’s two dominant parties, which sustain and thrive on societal polarization, seem quite comfortable with this state of affairs. Political discourse is reduced to fueling hostility and character assassination, while the articulation of real political ideas is rare. And even when ideas do emerge, they are neither debated nor refined but instead drowned in an endless cycle of offensive attacks and personal denigrations.
It is almost unrealistic to expect PS and PD to capitalize on each other’s mistakes to engage in a genuine public debate on economic models or the future of education—critical areas where Albania is struggling. Or to work together to strengthen the civil service, ensuring that state administration serves all citizens rather than just PS or PD loyalists.
As a society, we are not divided by choice but because this is the stage of development we have reached—and where we have been left stuck. A handful of political elites manipulate us, simply to seize and enjoy the nation’s wealth for themselves. Unfortunately, in Albania, the pursuit of a better system is considered utopian, while social division continues to push Albanians to seek a future… beyond its borders.
