By Ergys Mërtiri
When Berisha launched the “Foltorja” movement three and a half years ago to take over the Democratic Party (PD), I was certain it would be a disaster for the opposition. I opposed this venture from day one, because, as I said and wrote at the time, not only would it never bring the opposition to victory, but on the contrary, it would lead the PD down a path of no return—transforming it into a pitiful garrison of aggressive militants lashing out at the world in frustration over their deep inability to be competitive.
Today’s result does not flatter my ego for having “won the bet,” because this kind of bet is, first of all, very predictable, and secondly, by no means desirable due to the consequences it brings. Moreover, I am clear that the result will not lead to any reflection, and most of those who lost will continue to bang their heads against the wall.
This is the nature of the militant. The harder the blow they receive, the more they dig in. That’s why today, many of them appear even more determined to defend Berisha, and even more aggressive and hysterical toward those who speak the truth about him.
Pity the blind! A wise man once said he learned knowledge from the blind: they never take a step without first testing the ground for obstacles. The militant, however, is the kind of blind man who runs full speed toward a wall and doesn’t stop even after smashing his head against it.
This is precisely Berisha’s craftsmanship. Knowing their mentality very well, he uses and manipulates them however he pleases, confident they will never disappoint him.
When Berisha proposed the “Basha clause” in the party statute—a provision automatically dismissing the party leader in the event of an election loss, regardless of whether the election was rigged—some might have taken the bait, believing he was serious and would face the consequences once elections came.
In fact, he knew better than anyone that he would have no problem breaking what he himself had promised and codified in front of all Albanians. Because he knows his followers well and manipulates them at will.
Today in the Democratic Party, not only does no one demand the statute be enforced, but anyone who mentions it is branded a traitor who serves Rama by obstructing the “fight for the free vote.”
Before the elections, many Berisha supporters (including some of my friends) told me that by supporting new parties, I was splitting the opposition vote and thus helping Rama. I replied that new parties actually serve the opposition, because:
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They bring out voters who would never cast a vote for Berisha, thereby increasing the overall vote against Rama;
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They create the conditions for Berisha’s departure and the reform of the PD—which is the only way Rama could ever be overthrown. Since Berisha cannot win, a vote for him only prolongs his hostage-holding of the PD, and consequently, Rama’s hold on power.
Even though the election results proved Berisha had no chance of winning (and the country missed an opportunity to open the way for opposition renewal by sending him into retirement), none of his militants today admit they were wrong.
On the contrary, most of them have become even more aggressive and hysterical, attacking and accusing (often with the most shameful slanders) anyone who calls on Berisha to take responsibility.
This is the inevitable fate of a party that refuses to change. The more it loses, the more radical it becomes; and the more radical it becomes, the more it loses—until one day it becomes a bitter little group of enraged people, waging war against the windmills of the entire world.