By: Artur Zheji
A large herd of the incompetent and a cluster of egotistical factions find satisfaction watching the “organic” 80-year-old Sali Berisha, who parades across TV screens looking sharp, reasoning calmly, and “tearing off” Edi Rama’s mask over the so-called May 11, 2025, electoral “farce.”
And behind Berisha’s back, these many incapable individuals shrink and hide—yet sharpen their knives against each other: always in the name of the Doctor and the supposed purity of the opposition. A painful image of the opposition’s decline in a summer that’s been late to arrive. For heaven’s sake, a bit more dignity is needed—they should shout in the public square what they whisper all day in cafés.
The opposition lost, badly, for at least three major reasons—reasons that are plain for anyone with eyes to see and just enough brain to analyze what happened.
First Reason.
Through pressure, temptation, or trickery, Sali Berisha took the Democratic Party back. Torn apart, shredded, cursed by mutual accusations and insults hurled back and forth, where everyone branded each other as traitors sold out to Rama—especially anyone opposing Berisha. Many so-called “historical” democrats were ready to politically tear each other apart more viciously than their calm and deeply rooted adversary. Berisha did what he could, in his tried and tested—but also thoroughly outdated—style.
But the loss wasn’t his fault, just as it wasn’t Lulzim Basha’s four years ago. The Democratic Party cannot recreate its 2005 victory without internal betrayals or left-wing fractures.
Second Reason.
Rama didn’t allow any internal dissent to rise from within the Socialist Party. And yet, it’s not like those voices don’t exist—some are screaming inside from the weight of the towering personality of their long-serving chief. Strangely enough, even Ben Ahmetaj kept a “pre-election silence” for two or three months before May 11.
The others—if they had something to say, some disagreement with Rama’s line—likely unloaded their bravery in bed to their wives (if they were men), while the women in politics likely vented their dissent at their trusted hairdressers.
So, even with Lali, Erion Veliaj, behind bars, the Socialist Party won again—this time deeper and more methodically.
Strengthening the old belief among party veterans: when we say “The Party,” we mean Rama, and when we say “Rama,” we mean The Party.
Third Reason.
The new parties—aspiring to take the political baton or drive rotation—showed up already gravely ill, even on camera.
They were young in age, yes, but plagued by the old Albanian political disease: fragmentation, self-adoration, and deep-rooted personal and political hatred for one another. Incapable of forming a united front or creating a credible Third Pole.
What they ended up with was a collection of political crumbs—party-fragments that serve only to validate the governing majority’s claims of a functioning democracy. Instead of being genuine challengers to the Socialist Party, they turned into allies of its international image.
And then they all join the same chorus: “It’s Berisha’s fault!”
At least Berisha, limping along with some dignity, marches tirelessly from screen to screen, “exposing” the electoral farce and defending the “stolen” or “missing” victory—and so on and so forth.
Tragic and laughable. While these so-called “newcomers,” aged overnight, have all gone missing—no more megaphones in the streets.
Why?
Ah yes—summer has arrived. Time to rush to the beaches and book those trips!
Bravo, boys! You’re number one! YOLO!