By Ben Andoni
Early elections, an investigation into the 2025 elections, gangs involved in the voting process, use of the public administration, and a hunger strike are among the accusations and predictions voiced after May 11 by the leaders of the Democratic Party (DP). However, when these come from Mr. Berisha’s mouth, they carry the weight of the largest opposition party — a party that, unfortunately, has shrunk even further since the 2021 election results.
In the remaining time until September, the Central Election Commission (CEC) and all institutions connected to the electoral process will need to address the flood of complaints, which keep growing from the DP headquarters. The problem becomes more “complicated” when you consider that, most likely, the DP will be part of the new legislature — where their only real involvement is expected to be voting on Integration Laws, a path dictated by European conjunctures and the government’s strong alignment with Brussels’ policies.
Will the DP be able to put the issue of elections — as they perceive it — on the European agenda, or will they just try to buy time, avoid real analysis, and instead select a new leadership structure?
Unfortunately, the most interesting MPs who shaped the opposition front came from the Open Lists: Alimehmeti, Tabaku, Murrizi, Dogjani, among others in Tirana and many others across the districts, demonstrated far more potential than those placed on the Closed Lists. And this wasn’t just due to their contributions, but also the spirit they brought — which eventually backfired. Ironically, many of them faced a blow even after their biggest achievement: the Primaries, one of DP’s most democratic institutions, which turned out to be more cosmetic than a real reflection of democratic principles.
Among others, the case of MP Sula was a blatant example within the DP, and not just there.
Still, many within the Blue Camp are today demanding analysis before any accusations. Berisha’s resignation as a status-based institution has been ruled out by the chairman himself, and by many of the current figures who were placed on safe lists. Meanwhile, a real analysis isn’t even being talked about — or, at best, might happen for show, just to go through the motions.
This same thing happened four years ago, in 2021, when the DP gathered 59 candidates. A deep analysis was promised, and many in the DP would likely claim it happened. But in reality, no such analysis was ever conducted — at least not one that produced clear conclusions. The kind of conclusions that could push for a new Electoral Code giving the opposition greater oversight, or a stronger mobilization in regions where the DP is losing support and no longer being voted for.
But this analysis didn’t happen in 2021, and it seems unlikely to happen in 2025 either — leaving the DP merely a shrinking political formation under the weight of a ruling majority that is becoming increasingly cynical and ruthless toward democratic developments in the country.
Even though the ruling Socialist Party (SP) is going through some renewal, and this legislature will feature an entirely new group within the SP, it says very little about the quality of democracy.