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INTERVIEW / Analyst Lavdrim Lita: Governments in Western Balkans are split between East and West

Lavdrim Lita, founder of online media outlet Faktor.al, is a seasoned journalist and policy advisor with 15 years of experience across media, politics, strategic communication, and security. He holds two Master’s degrees—one in Advanced European Studies and another in Languages, Interpretation, and Journalism—and is an alumnus of the Naval Postgraduate School in Monterey, California. He […]

Lavdrim Lita, founder of online media outlet Faktor.al, is a seasoned journalist and policy advisor with 15 years of experience across media, politics, strategic communication, and security. He holds two Master’s degrees—one in Advanced European Studies and another in Languages, Interpretation, and Journalism—and is an alumnus of the Naval Postgraduate School in Monterey, California.

He has served as Senior Advisor at Albania’s Ministry of Internal Affairs, Communications Manager at the National Tourism Agency, Director of Publications at the Ministry of Defence, and advisor to the Commissioner for Protection from Discrimination. Lita has also worked as a campaign strategist and freelance journalist across Albania, Kosovo, and North Macedonia.

 

By Lorik Idrizi

BalkanView: Where is the Western Balkans heading—towards the EU or the East?

Lita: Every Western Balkan government has formally committed to EU integration. We’re talking about six countries with a combined population of around 15 million. Yet, many ruling parties are torn—some have their minds set on the West, but their hearts remain with the East, or vice versa.

Take Serbia, for example—its head is in Brussels, but its heart beats for Moscow. Albania, arguably, has its heart in the West but shows signs of leaning eastward in certain behaviors. North Macedonia is internally conflicted, with the head and heart pulling in different directions. Bosnia and Herzegovina faces significant external pressures that prevent either side from stabilizing. Kosovo is currently disoriented, facing EU sanctions and internal turmoil, such as the recent Banjskë incident. Montenegro, meanwhile, appears calm—perhaps too calm—and that in itself makes it worth watching from a security standpoint.

BalkanView: What impact could a Trump victory in the U.S. election have on the region?

Lita: I don’t think the Western Balkans are on Trump’s radar at the moment. His agenda is dominated by more pressing files: Ukraine, Gaza, trade disputes with China and the EU. U.S. intelligence briefings rarely mention our region in any substantial way.

Albania has been without a U.S. ambassador for four years, and Kosovo is also without one. Washington’s recent statements on elections in both countries were muted, reflecting the lackluster nature of the political landscape. Once ambassadors are appointed, we’ll see whether they are Trump loyalists or career diplomats. When Trump needs a read on our region, he tends to consult just two leaders: Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni and Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán.

BalkanView: Is the political right in Western Europe moving further right?

Lita: Yes. Uncontrolled migration and the prolonged war in Ukraine have exhausted European citizens, who are now bearing the financial burden through their taxes. These two issues are like black holes—consuming all political energy without offering solutions. The more resources they absorb, the more they expand.

Italy’s right-wing government, despite high approval ratings, has implemented few substantial reforms. Promises to curb migration have largely failed. The war in Ukraine drags on, without a coherent European diplomatic vision. Germany’s new government makes bold promises, but its economy urgently needs skilled labor to sustain living standards. Other governments tend to follow suit. Defense budgets will require cuts elsewhere, likely triggering populist backlash.

BalkanView: Could the rise of right-wing parties in Europe slow Western Balkan integration?

Lita: The EU has already delayed the integration of the 15 million people left outside its borders. When it brought in Romania and Bulgaria, it did so knowing they weren’t fully prepared—just like Greece, which once falsified its economic statistics.

The main concern of right-wing EU governments isn’t migration from the Western Balkans, but from North Africa and the Middle East. What’s needed is strong leadership capable of making strategic decisions, not political hesitations.

BalkanView: What does Europe’s military build-up signal in terms of geopolitical realignment?

Lita: Peace is under threat from Russian aggression against its neighbors. Europe’s security architecture is undergoing rapid changes. Militarization now serves two purposes: to deter adversaries and to prepare for either defensive or offensive action.

The U.S. wants NATO members to increase defense spending, especially since many EU countries have depleted their Cold War-era weapons stocks by donating them to Ukraine. Washington is also encouraging allies to buy American-made systems.

European military industries lag behind those of Russia, China, and Iran. In our region, Serbia has officially spent around €1 billion annually on armaments for several years now. That’s prompted neighboring states to invest wisely in defense—opting for strategic, efficient procurement rather than outdated stockpiles.

NATO remains the only active security guarantee in the region. But diplomacy must work in parallel to preserve peace.

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