In this era of rapid globalization, it is very normal for capital to move in the form of investments or trade. However, concern increases when this economic activity is of a strategic nature – enabling the growth of influence and the shaping of dynamics or agendas of another country. It is precisely here, at the level of strategy, that the difference is made between benevolent (constructive) influence and malevolent (malicious or destructive) influence.
By Xhelal Neziri
A donation to the Tetovo high school from the company “Unipromet” from Čačak, which opened its representative office in Skopje in 2023, has sparked debates within the Albanian political camp in North Macedonia. The donation involves 800,000 euros for the renovation of the Tetovo high school, specifically the building that previously housed the medical secondary school. The building was constructed in 1913, immediately after the First Balkan War, when Tetovo and North Macedonia transitioned from Ottoman Empire administration to the occupation by the Kingdom of Serbia. The new Tetovo high school, built in 1947, is only a few dozen meters away from this building. Due to tensions among students and lack of space, since 2018, the building has been adapted for classes taught in the Macedonian language.
In May of this year, the company “Unipromet” donated 4 minibuses to transport students between schools. Founded in Čačak, Serbia, in 1989 by Milisav Novičić, the company has become a well-known brand in the production of metal products, including road safety equipment such as side guards and noise barriers. Its materials are exported to Germany, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, and recently also to North Macedonia. Specifically, in 2024, the company signed one of the largest contracts in its history, becoming the main strategic partner in the construction of the Kičevo-Ohrid highway – one of the most important infrastructure projects in the region and part of Corridor 8. As part of the agreement, “Unipromet” will supply and install about 300 kilometers of road protection and 3 kilometers of pedestrian barriers along five key segments of this road. Work on the project has already begun, and the completion of all work is planned by the end of 2026.
Is the donation influence?
In this era of rapid globalization, it is very normal for capital to move in the form of investments or trade. However, concern increases when this economic activity is of a strategic nature – enabling the growth of influence and the shaping of dynamics or agendas of another country. It is precisely here, at the level of strategy, that the difference is made between benevolent (constructive) influence and malevolent (malicious or destructive) influence. The strategic orientation of North Macedonia, established on the foundations of the state since 1992, consists of two points: the first is NATO membership and the second is EU membership. It is the orientation of the strategic partner, NATO, a point where Skopje and Belgrade diverge. While North Macedonia chose to be under the security umbrella of NATO, together with 31 other members representing the West, Serbia has chosen close cooperation in this sphere with Russia and China. Serbian influence in this very sensitive matter has triggered alarms in Brussels, which took the form of a written warning in the latest European Parliament report, where the presence of the “Serbian world” in North Macedonia is mentioned as a concern.
In fact, Serbia views North Macedonia as part of its sphere of strong influence. This belief is based on claims of historical legitimacy, from the time of Tsar Dušan in the 14th century, and later from the Berlin Congress in 1878, when the Vardar part of the territory called Macedonia was assigned to Serbia. It remained part of Serbia until 1944. Macedonia gained the status of a republic after World War II, when Tito sought to keep Bulgarians away and limit Serbs. From there, the Republic of Macedonia was formed as an equal part of the federation, but the process of establishing the Autocephalous Church, as a pillar of ethnic identity, was not completed. In 2022, exploiting the revolt against Bulgaria created by Sofia’s blockade of Skopje’s EU accession talks, the Serbian Orthodox Church (SOC) agreed to recognize the Macedonian Orthodox Church (MOC-DO), but with one condition: to change its name to include the Ohrid Diocese. This tactical move by SOC’s church diplomacy was not only aimed at offering a “comforting arm” to the Macedonian people but also at shifting the issue of autocephaly or independence of the MOC-DO from the Patriarchate of Constantinople to the Patriarchate of Moscow.
Unlike harsh anti-Greek and anti-Bulgarian reactions — which stem from Athens’ condition for a name change for NATO integration and recently Sofia’s condition for changing history for EU integration — no similar reaction was registered due to the church name change from MOC to MOC-QA. This change also involves interference with Macedonian ethnic identity, as it erases the claim that the Ohrid Diocese is part of the historical and spiritual heritage of the Macedonian people. Thus, this compromise means renouncing the existence of the Ohrid Diocese from the 10th to the 18th century, while MOC agrees with the history of its existence from the year it declared independence from SOC. Therefore, with the 2022 name change, the Ohrid Diocese is accepted as cultural heritage that is part of SOC, and thus becomes a co-founder of a new church in North Macedonia. And this passes without much noise, protest, or reaction… unlike the cases of the Prespa Agreement with Greece (2018) or the French Proposal (2022), which stems from the Good Neighbor Treaty with Bulgaria.
Besides influences through the church, Serbia’s influence in North Macedonia is strong in several other, multi-layered dimensions. Serbia is the country’s 4th most important trade partner, just after Germany, Britain, and Greece, and before Bulgaria, which is 5th. Since the country’s independence, based on the amount invested, Serbia ranks 9th, right after Bulgaria. Serbia’s latest investment in Macedonia was atypical for a NATO country. It concerns MTEL, a subsidiary of “Telecom Serbia,” present in the Macedonian market since 2021. Recently, it purchased the country’s telecom operator “Neotel.” With this, MTEL is becoming a serious player in the telecommunications business, including mobile telephony, internet provision, TV platform, fixed telephony, and more. This strengthens Serbia’s media influence base in Macedonia, which is already exercised through TV productions broadcast on the most-watched channels in the country.
Are Albanians a target of Serbian influence?
Now, returning to the donation from the Čačak company “Unipromet” for the Tetovo high school. Donations should never all be viewed with suspicion and hysteria, regardless of the companies they come from. This company made news years ago when, due to high profits, it decided to give all employees in Čačak a Renault Clio car each—a truly commendable gesture. Private companies ultimately have social responsibility to help the societies from which they derive profits, a culture somewhat lacking among businesses in Tetovo and beyond. However, recently there have been tendencies for Serbian influence to extend also among ethnic Albanians. Businessman from Montenegro, Miodrag “Daka” Davidović, managed to buy a construction plot in Tetovo in 2019, which belonged to a state company and then converted it into construction land. Davidović recently appeared on the U.S. blacklist due to accusations of decades-long money laundering for criminal groups, strengthening his influence in the region and developing his criminal enterprise involving cigarette, oil, and arms smuggling in Montenegro. His corrupt activities have also enabled Russia to penetrate deeper into the region, which has been met with great concern in Brussels and Washington. Furthermore, the reasoning for his inclusion on the U.S. blacklist states that “Davidović is responsible or complicit in actions or policies that threaten peace, security, stability, or territorial integrity of any area or state in the Western Balkans.”
With this Serbian dominance in all fields in North Macedonia, it is no surprise to hear concerns in Brussels stemming from fears of undermining the sovereignty of this aspirant country. Serbia’s significant influence in politics, media, business… and in shaping the public opinion of the country will continue to steer the course of the state of North Macedonia. All these dynamics are reflected in recent credible polls, which show that 53% of ethnic Macedonians see Serbia as a friendlier country, while over 60% see Bulgaria as a more hostile country.