By Lorik Idrizi
In the political context of the state of Kosovo, which emerged from a unique precedent first in a geostrategic sense and then within the framework of the NATO alliance, the situation takes on a particular dimension. Since its establishment, NATO has been guided by the principles of security and stability, yet the case of Kosovo remains one of the rare moments when the alliance intervened militarily to stop a humanitarian crisis and to open the path toward the construction of a new state.
Furthermore, the International Court of Justice presented Kosovo’s independence as a legitimate right for an entity seeking independence. In this sense, Kosovo can be seen as a major investment by the Western world, particularly by the United States of America and its allies, to build a democratic system and a model that could serve as an example for many other countries around the world.
If one looks at the indices of freedom of expression and media freedom, it can be said that Kosovo has generally achieved important results. Even in the electoral system, from open lists to the management of electoral processes, the country has managed to avoid many of the typical Balkan problems, although with some exceptions, as seen in the most recent elections.
In a certain sense, even the Specialist Chambers represented a moment when Kosovo’s political elite went beyond itself. The fact that former leaders of the Kosovo Liberation Army not only voted for but also advocated the establishment of a specialized court, knowing that they themselves could become subjects of prosecution, was presented as an attempt to free Kosovo’s statehood from any international prejudice or stain.
Nevertheless, it appears that the issue of forming a government does not align with these standards and expectations. The greatest responsibility lies with the winning party, but also with every other parliamentary party. In a very fragile geostrategic context, political actors must demonstrate a high level of responsibility.
The fact that Kosovo is still not a member of the United Nations should make it clear that the country does not have the luxury of prolonged institutional crises. In some European Union countries a technical or caretaker government may function for a long period, as has happened in Sweden or Belgium, but in Kosovo such a situation is far more problematic.
For this reason, parliamentary parties, particularly the winning party, must take all these circumstances into account and avoid unnecessary political experiments. A solution must be found immediately so that Kosovo does not head to elections for the third time because of political stubbornness. The minimum that citizens deserve is a political compromise that prevents new elections and guarantees institutional stability.