By Ben Andoni
As Kosovo enters its final hours before the electoral silence, Albanian politics is not only confused about developments there but, even worse, indifferent. Prime Minister Rama briefly told El Mundo that he has “no political preference, respects everyone, and considers them friends.” Meanwhile, the opposition is even more detached, preoccupied with its own concerns over closed lists and the upcoming May elections.
Ideologically, Albania’s Socialist Party (PS) should have a natural alignment with Kosovo’s Vetëvendosje, working together on state-building structures, not just due to their left-wing orientation but also their shared membership in the Socialist International. However, in recent years, the governments of both countries, despite being led by their respective parties, have failed to meet officially. In contrast, Albania’s Democratic Party (PD) consistently supports Albin Kurti’s stances. The Freedom Party (PL) could have had a position on these matters, but it has distanced itself from ideology. Conversations with its members reveal a lack of ideological clarity, partly because the party is shrinking by the day. Many within the party even fear being identified as left-wing. Above all, they must maintain this ideological ambiguity before the elections, as their parliamentary survival depends on Berisha’s decision to include them in the Safe Lists.
In Kosovo, the Democratic Party of Kosovo (PDK) remains just as unclear. Although it has aligned with the right in recent years, it was once considered a center-left or outright leftist party. Logically, Albania’s Democratic Party (PD) should have strong ties with Kosovo’s Democratic League (LDK) and PDK. Given that European center-right parties support both PD in Albania and LDK in Kosovo, their relationship should be solid, stable, and continuous. While PD in Tirana has made efforts to commemorate Rugova, those familiar with history know how Rugova’s relationship with PD actually was. The Socialist Party (PS), on the other hand, has embraced Rugova’s symbolism and makes a point of emphasizing it in Kosovo-related meetings. Perhaps this explains why LDK has better relations with Rama than with Berisha.
The Democratic Party of Kosovo (PDK), given its core base, should logically have strong ties with PD in Tirana. However, paradoxically, PD in Tirana has shown almost no support for PDK’s heroes currently in The Hague. The author of this article has repeatedly called for explanations on why PD does not make statements about them or visit them, but their real stance is evident in their silence. Meanwhile, PDK has good relations with the Socialist Party (PS) in Tirana.
The Alliance for the Future of Kosovo (AAK) has positioned itself as a right-wing party and does not have any significant stance toward Albanian political parties. However, it strongly upholds the legacy of the KLA (UÇK), which Vetëvendosje has attempted to co-opt through its rhetoric and cynicism, as seen in the case of Foreign Minister Gërvalla.
As for Albania’s smaller parties, their engagement with foreign policy is almost non-existent, making it unsurprising that they lack any stance on Kosovo. They do not present structured positions, nor do they seem to have any vision regarding Kosovo’s developments. Some of their representatives claim they will secure many seats in the Albanian Parliament, yet they have never articulated a clear position on Kosovo. This is partly because they lack sufficient knowledge of the issue and partly because they do not want to waste time on a topic that does not yield votes.
Political philosophy experts may argue that ideology is largely absent in today’s politics. However, in Albania’s case, the issue is not merely ideological but one of indifference toward developments in Kosovo. The paradox is that Berisha and Kurti are ideologically opposed but communicate far better with each other than Rama does with the Vetëvendosje leader. Similarly, Albania’s prime minister has better relations with Kosovo’s right-wing opposition than with Albin Kurti, despite Vetëvendosje’s direct involvement in the last Albanian elections.
Politically, our parties are not far apart—except when it comes to their pursuit of power, which in the case of Kosovo, does not translate into votes. And in the year 2025, this remains one of the most significant problems. (Javanews)
