In an interview for the television documentary “BALKANVIEW”, conducted in May of this year and now fully available on kdp.mk, the former Montenegrin president Milo Đukanović discusses the circumstances that led to the dissolution of the Yugoslav federation as well as the current moment his country is facing. A portion of the interview, particularly related to EU integration, is published on the regional analytical portal balkanview.com.
Interviewed by: Seladin Xhezari
BV: You brought Montenegro into NATO and aspire to join the EU. Meanwhile, today, we have the current political scene in Montenegro, where the previous government didn’t include a single Montenegrin, and now your party is in opposition with a new government in place. What is happening? From the outside, it seems Serbia is realizing its dream of reaching the sea. Where does Montenegro stand today, and where are the Montenegrins?
Đukanović: First, let me say that since 2020, we’ve had a new government in Montenegro. This shouldn’t come as a major surprise, especially considering the 30-year continuity of a single administration. If we say we wanted independence to return Montenegro to Europe and to become a giant of European culture, then it is implicit that we also aim to embody the practices and political culture of Europe. And that includes a change in government.
Even if we had paved everything with gold in Montenegro by 2020—which we didn’t—it would still be logical for people to desire a different government after 30 years. That’s why we acted responsibly regarding the change in power. You’ll recall that on election night, I acknowledged the election results where the government changed by a margin of just 1,000 votes. It wasn’t conceivable for anyone to challenge the electoral will of the citizens by attempting to annul the election results in a single polling station.
In modern Montenegrin parliamentary history, dating back to the 1990s, this was the first time election results were accepted. During the years we were in power, no one in the Montenegrin opposition ever conceded that we won because we were better. No!
We recognized the election results, and we have no regrets before the citizens of Montenegro. It was their right, their will, and we respected it. However, what we have unpleasantly encountered is the quality of governance over the past four years.
You mentioned that three governments have changed during this period. The first was led by a religious fanatic—a university professor I communicated with as president while he was prime minister. He was intellectually capable but, I repeat, a religious fanatic, along with the team he assembled. That government, formally created under the influence of the Serbian Orthodox Church, didn’t last long. It lost confidence due to internal misunderstandings at the end of its mandate.
We tried to organize new elections, but the majority in parliament was not in favor. Dritan Abazović, who left the previous parliamentary majority, didn’t want to be part of a coalition that would call for elections. As a political opportunist, he saw this as a chance to become the new prime minister.
We reached a political agreement to give a minority government a chance, led by Abazović, who had only four MPs in his group. However, we stipulated in the political agreement that parliamentary elections would be held within a year. That government lost its legitimacy within three months, but it operated for over a year in a technical mandate, with no capacity for significant achievements.
I’ve already described this as high treason because of what led to the collapse of that government—the signing of a so-called fundamental agreement with the Serbian Orthodox Church. This agreement ignored Montenegro’s centuries-old religious and state continuity. It was a glaring falsification, against which I warned Abazović repeatedly, urging him to involve professional and scholarly consultations before finalizing it.
The outcome was a betrayal of Montenegro’s identity and history, even more severe than the events of 1918, when Montenegro was annexed by Serbia through the Podgorica Assembly.
Today, we have a government that is a political amalgam of Serbian nationalism and populism. Through these unfortunate experiences with the first two governments, Serbian nationalism began losing its support in Montenegro. People have realized that they chose a poor alternative to the previous government they were tired of.
BV: Is Montenegro now closer to the so-called “Serbian World” or the European Union?
Đukanović: It depends on what you believe in more. If you believe in the surface of today’s political life, you might think Montenegro is drifting into the Serbian World ideology. However, if you believe in Montenegro’s history and its foundations of freedom, statehood, multi-ethnic democracy, and Euro-Atlantic values, then you have every reason to believe that these foundations will endure this challenge.
Montenegro is resisting annexation, not thanks to this government but because of its deeply rooted democratic and cultural traditions. However, the current government, driven by Serbian nationalist and populist agendas, lacks the political knowledge and understanding of Montenegro’s real challenges in this region and time.
Their failures were evident even in their contradictory votes at the Council of Europe regarding Kosovo’s membership, where a three-member Montenegrin delegation cast different votes. Such inconsistency is a reflection of their lack of seriousness and understanding of the responsibilities they hold.
Montenegro is at a crossroads, and its future depends on reaffirming its European orientation and resisting external pressures that threaten its sovereignty and identity.
In the case of Montenegro, we should have kept in mind that this is a state that recognized Kosovo. This is a state that maintains regular diplomatic relations with Kosovo. This is a state that consistently voted in favor of Kosovo’s membership in all international organizations, wherever there was an opportunity. This is a state that is recognized as one of the most loyal partners of the United States and the European Union. And what did we do? For the first time in Montenegro’s parliamentary history, we voted in a way that is contrary to our state policy. This is unheard of.
What does it say? It says two things. First, that we are dealing with an unstructured and irresponsible delegation. That the political and institutional mechanism of the state is not functioning. This is proof that the decision to delegate representatives to the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe is not the product of a transparent and serious process but of backroom bargains and compromises among political parties.
Second, this indicates the extent of ignorance about the seriousness of the challenges Montenegro faces. Kosovo is one of the critical geopolitical issues for the Western Balkans. The independence and sovereignty of Kosovo are a foundation for peace and stability in the region. Anyone who challenges this is playing with fire and undermining the efforts of those who want to see the Western Balkans as a stable and prosperous region within the European and Euro-Atlantic frameworks.
BV: Let me ask you one last question, Mr. Đukanović. Considering everything you’ve said, do you still believe that Montenegro has a future within the European Union?
Đukanović: Absolutely. Despite all the challenges, I remain optimistic. History teaches us that every society goes through cycles of progress and regression. We are currently experiencing a period of regression. But Montenegro’s strategic orientation toward the European Union remains unchanged. This is a choice made by the citizens of Montenegro in 2006 when we restored our independence.
Our path to the European Union is not just a matter of political ambition. It is a reflection of our historical and cultural identity. Montenegro has always been part of Europe. It has been a guardian of European values even in the most challenging times. And I am convinced that Montenegro will overcome this difficult phase and continue its journey toward becoming a full-fledged member of the European family.
It is not just about political will; it is about the determination of the people of Montenegro. That is why I believe that Montenegro will succeed in defending its independence, its European path, and its identity as a multiethnic and democratic society.
