The latest report by the Global Initiative Against Organized Crime (GI-TOC) reveals that between 2014 and 2024, 166 sanctions were imposed in the Western Balkans, targeting 108 individuals and 58 companies, primarily for corruption, organized crime, and political destabilization. The United States accounted for the vast majority of these measures, followed by the United Kingdom, the European Union, and the United Nations. Over the past decade, Bosnia and Herzegovina has received the most attention, with 56 sanctions, followed by Serbia with 51.
According to the report, over the past 20 years, none of the individuals sanctioned by the U.S. have managed to be removed from the list. The only removals occurred in the mid-2000s when many individuals in the region were sanctioned during conflicts for political or separatist activities. The report suggests that sanctions should be integrated into broader policy frameworks combining legal reforms, diplomatic pressure, and stronger regional cooperation.
Written by: Lorik Idrizi
Sanctions have long been used as a tool to combat organized crime and political corruption in the Western Balkans. But how effective are they in dismantling criminal networks and promoting accountability? The latest report by the Global Initiative Against Organized Crime (GI-TOC), authored by Ruggero Scaturro and Fatjona Mejdini, takes a closer look at the impact of sanctions imposed in the region over the past decade, highlighting both successes and limitations.
The report examines how sanctions have affected individuals, business networks, and political landscapes in Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia, and Serbia. Financial sanctions by the U.S. and the UK have restricted prominent figures such as Milorad Dodik in Bosnia and Herzegovina, severely limiting their access to financial services. However, similar sanctions in Serbia and Kosovo have had mixed results, with businesses linked to sanctioned individuals continuing to secure multi-million-dollar state contracts.
Public reactions also vary. In some cases, sanctions stigmatize individuals, forcing them into political isolation. In others, they are perceived as resistance to Western interference, enabling sanctioned figures to gain prominence rather than be sidelined. In Serbia, for instance, individuals under sanctions have been appointed to high government roles, raising concerns about the effectiveness of external punitive measures in politically complex environments.
Between 2014 and 2024, the Western Balkans saw 166 sanctions targeting 108 individuals and 58 companies for corruption, organized crime, and political destabilization. The United States led the way with the majority of these actions, followed by the UK, the EU, and the UN. Bosnia and Herzegovina received the most attention over the past decade, with 56 sanctions, followed by Serbia with 51.
The peak number of sanctions during this period occurred in 2021, although there were also significant measures during Donald Trump’s administration in the U.S.
“In Albania, in the past decade, six individuals have been declared ‘persona non grata,’ with a total of eight measures, including the designation of former Prime Minister Sali Berisha and former MP Tom Doshi by the UK, albeit not publicly. Unlike other Western Balkan countries, Albania has not had companies blacklisted, only individuals,” the report states.
The report highlights that Albania is among the countries where these measures are producing varied effects, including the reconfiguration of internal political forces.
Former Prime Minister Sali Berisha is one of the most notable figures in this context. After being subjected to Western sanctions due to allegations of corruption and ties to criminal networks, Berisha was placed under house arrest for nearly a year.
According to the report, Western sanctions do not immediately transform the complex political landscape but act as a catalyst for further, often unpredictable developments. In Albania’s case, sanctions have created pressure that cannot be easily ignored.
This mechanism is increasingly seen as a force accelerating the process of “cleansing” politics of unsuitable figures. While sanctions are not a magic solution, they are significantly influencing how political figures act and position themselves.
In February 2018, Albania’s former Prosecutor General Adriatik Llalla, his wife, and two children became the first individuals in the Western Balkans to be banned from entering the United States due to suspicions of corruption.
Tom Doshi, a businessman and politician, was designated by the U.S. State Department for alleged corruption, leading to a travel ban for him and his family.
In 2019, the U.S. State Department publicly declared Vangjush Dako, the former Mayor of Durrës, “persona non grata” due to his involvement in significant corruption.
In May 2021, the U.S. imposed a travel ban on Sali Berisha, the former Prime Minister and President of Albania, over allegations of misuse of public funds and interference in public processes. His wife, son, and daughter were also banned from entering the U.S.
In April 2022, the U.S. sanctioned Aqif Rakipi, a former member of the Albanian parliament. The announcement stated that he had exploited his political influence, along with long-standing involvement in organized crime, to appoint associates to public positions.
Ylli Ndroqi, a media owner, was also targeted in 2022 by the U.S. for corruption.
According to the report, over the past 20 years, no individual sanctioned by the U.S. has managed to be removed from the list. The only removals occurred in the mid-2000s, primarily related to sanctions imposed during conflicts for political or separatist activities.
The report suggests that sanctions should be integrated into broader policy frameworks that combine legal reforms, diplomatic pressure, and stronger regional cooperation. Enhancing transparency and ensuring consistent enforcement could improve the impact of sanctions, making them a more effective tool for combating corruption and promoting stability in the region.
