By Ben Andoni
The protest symbolized by the “Flamingos” is now approaching its twentieth day. The energy and public anger expressed through such an exotic symbol have revealed a different Albania—highly civic-minded, burdened with problems and concerns, frustrated, and for many, hopeless.
There have been numerous reactions from protesters calling for a different kind of organization, while others ridicule and condemn the initiative. The daily protest has created a status quo in which, quite rightly, some people feel that the unrepresented are finally being heard, while others see it as an outlet for a frustrated segment of the population and hopeless young people. Two categories seem to be emerging: those gathered in the square, united and isolated, and everyone else, identified with Rama. Many opportunists have also appeared, eager to vent their false populism.
However, beyond the arguments defended by Rama, the positions expressed by Brussels, and the claims of the protesters themselves, one question remains for many Albanians: will the Albanian public ever again be able to mobilize such a protest? In recent days, the protest has remained unchanged—the same choreography, the same organization. It has merely been shifted by one hour. We now hear almost the same narratives, only with different wording. “New Albania,” the slogan that was so appealing at the beginning, is now heard less often because some have realized the sacrifices it implies. It requires work and commitment. This makes more sense to peers of Generation Z who work in public administration and the cadastre office and exploit the system while looking you straight in the eye, just as others have benefited from privileges and projects that, in the spirit of this enthusiasm, they would now have to give up. But can any of them truly do so?
So far, the protest has all the characteristics of a well-organized demonstration. Yet to become a Movement capable of shaking power, it needs greater weight and clear direction. The authorities must understand that they are facing people who are not leaving. Every movement begins as a protest. Even today, only the official version is known—that the incident in Zvërnec and the passivity of the State Police acted as a catalyst—but no one can fully explain the scale of the spirit that has emerged.
Theoretically, 95 percent of protests fade away, while only 5 percent become movements when people decide: “We will not leave until we get answers.” This is the dilemma currently facing the gathering at the Boulevard of the Martyrs of the Nation. According to its speakers, the protest is still in its early stages and continues, without any counterargument, to demand Rama’s resignation and imprisonment, as well as Berisha’s imprisonment. Yet for it to become a movement, a third stage is required: organization.
There are now many actors involved, and the desire for prominence among numerous speakers is confronting the public with too many personalities. If it were to evolve into a movement, it would need a clearly identifiable leader, a structure, a plan, visible funding, and a strategy. The latter is said to be in preparation. However, delays are giving the government time to breathe, while the public is becoming tired of the repetition, the pathos, and the lack of tangible progress.
The protest is not becoming a movement even though several organizations claim to sustain it and preserve its spirit. In reality, it is ordinary citizens, through their emotions and support, who keep it alive. The same happened in the capital during the transition of the early 1990s, but eventually others took over and led the country into the conditions that have produced today’s frustration. The level of anger is now such that it is expressed through nationalist slogans like: “Albania for Albanians, death to traitors!”—a slogan whose roots can be traced back to the period of the Albanian National Movement and the formation of the Albanian state, similar to radical nationalist slogans found in other countries.
Albania clearly needs change. Yet the protest still has a long way to go before it can become a movement. At the very least, those who seek to lead it—or the various factions within it—must understand the need to create a hierarchy. In the coming days, much will become clearer.
A study published in the British Journal of Social Psychology notes that different political factions can form temporary alliances (known as Querfront) against a common authority. Such alliances are sustained because they perceive a shared opponent. The problem, however, is that they do not share common values. This is the real enemy facing the “Flamingos” today—and the source of disappointment for those who hope for change: the absence of shared values and of both short-term and long-term objectives.
(Javanews)